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Monolingualism doesn’t equate to neutrality

In Translink’s eyes, monolingualism equates to neutrality and language rights cannot be provided to the Irish-speaking community unless they have the consent or approval of those who oppose the language. What is that famous phrase about Specsavers?
Monolingualism doesn’t equate to neutrality

What a month. Stormont is back. There were victories which reflected advancements in some areas and there were blows that were in complete contrast with the developments we have seen with the Irish language in recent years. Whichever way you look at it, there are very few months that are as busy and eventful as September 2024 was for the Irish language community.

At the beginning of the month, the news broke that Translink was going full steam ahead with ‘English-only’ signage in Belfast’s Grand Central Station. Translink, despite their various international obligations, the widespread support and the clear insulation they had to take the decision, were somehow completely content to exclude the Irish language and to make the new centre a true ‘shared’ space for all those except Gaeilgeoirí.

Work on Weavers Cross, the £340 million station that is set to become Ireland’s largest transport hub, began more than 3 years ago. Language activists raised the issue of the Irish language and signage as far back as 2022 but were told that it was not possible to take a decision in the absence of a Minister. When a Minister was subsequently appointed, they were told that a decision could not be taken until an Irish Language Commissioner was appointed. There aren’t many pages left in the book of excuses.

This latest decision follows an unofficial consultation carried out by Translink with the Irish language community, the Ulster Scots community, Sinn Féin, DUP and community representatives from Sandy Row. According to Translink, there was a ‘lack of consensus’ as to the best approach going forward (surprise, surprise!). As a result, they would be taking what they deemed to be a ‘neutral’ stance on the issue by ploughing monolingually. There is, of course, nothing neutral about hiding in the Irish language.

In Translink’s eyes, monolingualism equates to neutrality and language rights cannot be afforded to the Irish-speaking community unless they have the consent or approval from those who oppose the language. What is that famous phrase about Specsavers?

In true campaigning spirit, mere days later, An Dream Dearg activists took over the new venue in protest over this despicable decision.

Still, after months of foot-dragging from Translink, the Minister for Infrastructure is ‘confident’ that there will be a ‘solution’ on the issue. Let us be clear that the Irish language community will not accept any ‘solution’ that is not rights-based and rooted in legitimate community demand.

To make matters worse, later that week, the draft Programme for Government 2024-2027, a document entitled ‘Doing What Matters Most’, was published; another major disappointment. For the first time ever since the St Andrew’s Agreement in 2006, the Irish language was not mentioned once in the draft Programme for Government.

It’s not as if there was a shortage of choices; to name but a few, 2-year-old Irish language legislation not yet implemented in any way; an Irish-language strategy that has never been adopted despite the commitment being in law since 2006, with 2 High Court rulings; and an entire Irish-medium education sector that continues to grow despite operating in a monolingual system, with a lack of support, a lack of facilities and unsatisfactory accommodation.

To this end, there is a reason for the frustration. There is doubt (with good basis) among the Irish language community following another missed opportunity. While we will be reminded that the document is only a ‘draft’, we are all aware how much more difficult it is to influence such documents in the post-consultation process, in comparison to if it they been included from the outset.

Later that week, the British Government was (again!) strongly criticised by the Council of Europe’s Committee of Experts in their 6th monitoring report on compliance with the obligations of the European Charter. Among the most significant proposals was the removal of street naming policies with restrictive thresholds.

At the same time, the number of streets in Belfast with dual language signage is on the rise, as the Council undertakes a public consultation on a draft Irish language policy for the first time ever, where it is proposed to use a new bilingual logo and to erect Irish in the Council’s public facilities. Don’t forget that you can reply to the consultation here.

However, there are policies in certain councils that are designed in such a way that seeks to ensure that dual language street signage applications will never be successful; in Armagh Council, Banbridge and Craigavon, for example. ABC Council’s policy is so restrictive that an application for a dual language street sign has never been successful…

…until this month.

100% of respondents were in favour of the application and there was no active opposition against it. Despite this, as we see far too often, every effort was made to block, delay and deny it.

As happens so often, those in opposition did their very best to disempower the residents, but the community’s commitment, courage and enthusiasm did not diminish at all. They dragged the Council against their will to the point where they had run out of excuses. Almost a full year since the original application was made, the application for dual language signage in Woodside Gardens became the first ever sign of its kind to be approved in the Council’s history. Ordinary communities and ordinary people standing up for their rights – there’s nothing better!

As if that weren’t enough, the results of the Belfast City Council’s consultation on dual language signage in the Olympia leisure centre were also published this month.

To cut a long story short, in 2019 the Council carried out a consultation on a recommendation to erect dual language signage in 4 ‘city-wide’ leisure centres, Olympia included. Although there was significant support at the time (from the consultation results themselves, from the public, from international guidance and from human rights organisations), there were claims that the decision (to place Irish alongside English on signage in a recognised city-wide, shared leisure centre) had the potential to adversely affect one section of the community.

To this end, the Council decided to undertake a separate consultation on the dual language signage recommendation in Olympia and although there was a vocal minority who remained in steadfast opposition, the results of the consultation showed that 79% of respondents supported dual language signage.

Whilst there is no doubt that if the Committee’s decision is ratified at the meeting of the full Council, this would be a significant victory for the Irish language community in the city, we want it to be a given that the Irish language will be visible in the Council’s facilities and resources.

We don’t want a monolingual approach to be recognised as a neutral stance anymore; we don’t want to see excessive anti-Irish mitigations recommended to bilingual signage; we don’t want public authorities’ policies and practices to be dictated by the oppositional views of a small minority which are often rooted in sectarianism. There is no doubt that this approach would be rejected if it was taken towards the rights of any other minority.

And finally, we’ve probably all heard of the Minister for Education, Paul Givan, meeting with the LCC (a group with clear paramilitary links) to express their opposition to the opening of the Irish-medium Primary School, Scoil na Seolta. Yes, the LCC is afraid of children aged 3-10 learning through Irish. I’ve heard it all now.

Minister Givan has probably forgotten about his statutory duty, as well as the very public display he made at the beginning of this year when he visited Gaelscoil Aodha Rua, acknowledging that ‘Irish belongs to everyone’ and claiming to be Minister for Education ‘for all the education sectors’.

There is a big difference between the Minister’s tune in March and the Minister’s actions in September. I would say that I am not the only one who does not understand exactly how a meeting with the LCC opposing the opening of an Irish-medium school is conducive to a Minister who represents everyone. Some things never change.

Now, on we go to October…

An litir dhearg

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